THE
MONARCH
The
position held by His Majesty, King Taufa’ahau
Tupou IV, is a complex one. The various powers
and responsibilities are collected together in
one office called “Monarch” (or “Tu’i” in
the Tongan version of the Constitution). Most of
these are contained in the Constitution, but some
of the more traditional attributes of status and
chiefly responsibilities of the head of the highest
and most respected Tongan lineage are unwritten.
(They are part of the customary law of Tonga.)
The Monarch combines traditional status with constitutional
office.
In
constitutional terms, the position of the Monarch
combines the following office:-
• Head
of State of the independent Kingdom of Tonga, recognised
as such under international law.
• Head of the Executive branch of government (clause 30)
• Commander in Chief of the military forces (clause 36)
However, the pre-eminent status and powers of the Monarch are recognised in
the Constitution in more emphatic ways.
1.
It was the reigning Monarch who, in 1875, “granted” the
Constitution to the people of Tonga.
2. The sovereignty of the Monarch is declared in terms of absolute authority
(“Pule”) to govern Tonga and its people (clause 17, 31 and 41).
3. An important aspect of this authority is the monarch’s power over
the Prime Minister and Ministers who are responsible to the Monarch for administering
the government. The Monarch may appoint and dismiss at any time (clause 51).
4. All land is the property of the Monarch (clause 104); the Monarch alone
may grant hereditary titles and estates (clause 44 and 104); and such estate
will revert to the Monarch in the absence of an heir (clause 112).
5. The Constitution guarantees perpetual succession to the lineage of the Monarch
(clause 32).
6. The reigning Monarch cannot be impeached (clause 41).
7. The Constitution which protects the Monarch cannot be changed without his
consent (clauses 67 and 79).
In
the course of making this analysis, I considered
the possibility that the words used in the Constitution
to describe the Monarch might sometimes refer to
some other entity, such as the Government, the
State or Kingdom. Although “Kingi” was
used in the original 1875 Constitution in Tongan,
the word has since been changed to “Tu’i”.
Thus, the present English word “King” and
the Tongan “Tu’i” appear in all
the references I have made to the Monarch. From
reading the Constitution, there is no reason for
saying that any of the powers of the Monarch to
which I have referred are intended to be exercised
instead by the Government (Pule’anga), Privy
Council (Fakataha Tokoni), Cabinet (Kapineti) or
Parliament (Fale Alea).
There
is also the question of the meaning of the words “Crown” and “Throne” in
the few places where they are used (clauses 32-35
and 111); “kalauni” is used in the
Tongan version. Here, the references are clearly
to the royal lineage.
The
discussion now turns to whether the unwritten constitutional
law of Tonga imposes any limitations or restrictions
on the Monarch which are not contained in the Constitution
or statutes. Unwritten constitutional rules, called “conventions” are
imposed on the British monarchy and former colonies
(for example, Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands),
the conventions are sometimes written into the
document.
If
these conventions were applied to Tonga, they would
mean that laws could be passed and government rules
could be made without the consent of the Monarch.
In other words, the other countries which recognise
a monarch as a head of state do not allow the monarch
to have a final say in the running of the country.
In those countries, elected parliament has full
and final control of law making and the governing
cabinet of ministers is responsible solely to parliament.
The
reality in Tonga is that the Constitution confers
absolute powers on the Monarch who can choose whether
to exercise them in person or to delegate them
to others. The Monarch is not concerned with the
details of the day-to-day government of the country,
but the Monarch has the constitutional power to
intervene at will.
THE
EXECUTIVE
The
Privy Council presided over by the Monarch constitutes
the highest executive body. Members of the Privy
Council are appointed by the Monarch and comprise
the Ministers of the Cabinet, the two Governors
and any other persons the Monarch sees fit to appoint
(clauses 50). The Cabinet consists of the Prime
Minister and such other Ministers as the Monarch
appoints, who hold office during the Monarch’s
pleasure (clause 51). By Privy Council decision,
and increasingly pursuant to statute, Ministers
are responsible for specified government ministries
and departments, they are answerable in the Privy
Council; and they are required to report annually
to the Monarch and the Legislative Assembly. The
Privy Council has certain legislative powers between
meetings of the Legislative Assembly, when it may
pass ordinances which take effect as law but must
be laid before the next meeting of the Assembly
for confirmation, amendment or rescission (clauses
50-55).
I
am not aware precisely what formalities of consultation
and delegation are generally observed as between
the Monarch, Privy Council and Cabinet. The Monarch
may seldom be called upon to rely on his residual
powers.
Nevertheless,
the reality of the constitutional provisions is
that the Executive of Tonga, in the persons of
the Prime Minister and Ministers, is responsible
to the Monarch (clause 41) rather than to the Legislative
Assembly. Although the Assembly may impeach Ministers
for cause (clause 51), the Monarch may dismiss
without reason.
THE
PARLIAMENT
The
Legislative Assembly is an essential part of the
law-making process. Subject to the power of the
Monarch to convoke or dissolve the Assembly at
any time, its life is three years. It is composed
of the members of the Privy Council (ten Ministers
and two Governors), nine representatives of the
nobles and nine representatives of the people.
The Privy Councillors sit “as nobles” (clauses
38 and 56-83).
The
Legislative Assembly possesses a range of powers
in relation to its own proceedings and functions
defined in the Constitution.
To
sum up, the provisions of the Constitution reveal
four realities in relation to the Legislative Assembly.
First is the very limited representative character
of the Assembly. Only nine members represent the
great body of Tongan citizenry. Secondly, the Prime
Minister and Ministers, although members of the
Assembly, owe their primary responsibility to the
Monarch.
Thirdly,
despite the autonomy which the Assembly enjoys
in the control of its own proceedings, it lacks
full control over the law-making process. The Monarch’s
assent is required, and the support of the Executive
is essential to the law-making process in two further
ways. The rules of the Assembly require that Bills
be prepared and presented to the House by Ministers
of the Cabinet. While there is provision for private
members’ petitions to be lodged, debated
and endorsed as recommendations or rejected by
the Assembly, there is none for private members’ Bills.
Then, although the practice is for the wishes of
the majority of the Assembly to be respected, the
Monarch retains ultimate authority through royal
powers of dissolution (of the Assembly) and dismissal
(of Ministers and Governors). The principal power
of the Legislative Assembly in relaion to the Executive
is that it may delay or decline to pass the appropriation
Bills. Westminster
The
fouth reality is the limitation on the powers of
the Assembly to deal with certain areas of law
such as those relating to the Monarch, the Royal
Family and the titles and inheritances of the nobles
(clause 67). While, in practice, the nobles have
not insisted that people’s representatives
be excluded from the voting process, the reality
is that the legal status of the Monarch and nobles
is protected against changes in the law if they
wish to exercise their constitutional rights.
THE
JUDICIARY
The
judicial power of the Kingdom is vested in the
Court of Appeal, Supreme Court, the Magistrates’ Courts
and the Land Court, with limited appeal to the
Tongan Privy Council (clauses 84-103).
As
the “third branch” of government, the
Judiciary may examine laws passed by the Legislature
and Executive in order to ensure that the laws
are in accordance with the Constitution as the
supreme law (clause 82, as amended in 1990). The
reality, however, is that the Constitution itself
may be changed readily (as it has, on numerous
occasions) only by an amending Act passed through
the Assembly, accepted unanimously by the Privy
Council and approved by the Monarch (clause 79).
All
citizens have access to the courts which hear and
decide matters in accordance with common procedures
determination of hereditary estates and noble titles.
In these cases appeal lies only to the Privy Council
where, in effect, the Monarch presides over a special
tribunal outside the judicial system.
AMENDMENTS
TO THE CONSTITUTION
Unlike
the great majority of written constitutions, theTongan
Constitution is no more difficult to amend than
an ordinary statute. On the face of it, there is
some protection provided for amendments which would
affect succession to the throne and the titles
and hereditary estates of the nobles, as well as “the
law of liberty” (referring to the “Declaration
of Rights” with which the Constitution begins).
Clause 79 provides that the Assembly is not permitted
to amend the law affecting these matters. However,
the likely intention of the framers of the Constitution
was that the Monarch and nobles could waive the
protection and, indeed, amendments affecting nobles’ estates
have been made.
The
reality here is that the case with which the Constitution
may be amended is inconsistent with the importance
attached to the document by those who have described
the Constitution as the “bulwark of freedom”.
CONCLUSION
In
conclusion, an examination of the Constitution
of Tonga today reveals that it continues to provide
the essential foundation and protection for the
pre-eminence of the Monarchy. The interests of
the nobles shelter under the same protection.
More
importantly, perhaps, the powers of the Monarch
overshadow the functioning of the Cabinet, and
sometimes the Parliament.
The
problem for those who wish to bringabout change
in Tonga is that the Monarch has governed with
a relatively benign and gentle hand. Now, it is
a question as to how to protect the interests of
the people against the possibility of a less enlightened
and more interventionist ruler.
Any
significant change towards a more democratic system
of government would seem to require negotiation
with the Monarch. Ultimately, a modified Constitution
which gave greater representational rights to the
people and made the Executive responsible to the
Legislature could also provide some effective safeguards
for the preservation of the legitimate interests
of the royal lineage.
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